Stephen Hodgson posted recently with a blog titled “Ending the Free Ride”. It made me think, and so this is my response…
There are a few things I wanted to pick up on, so I’ve picked a few key points – please nip over and read Stephen’s post in full when you have the time [http://hodg.co.uk/2010/04/21/ending-the-free-ride/].
Cut the benefits of anyone who refuses to take up reasonable job offers;
Firstly, and perhaps obviously, how do you measure reasonable job offers?
It is important to take in to account that this really is referring to Job Seekers Allowance – which is central, given that it is not limited people that are un-employed, but also includes people that are under-employed.
Not only is it difficult to quantify or indeed qualify what a “reasonable job offer” is, how would a Job Centre Advisor – or Claims Assessor balance whether a job offer is reasonable in light of those under-employed? They would need to take into account work/life balance, whether or not a job is worth doing and many other factors.
Cut benefits for up to three years for anyone caught repeatedly committing benefit fraud;
I’d like to point out an issue here – fraud, being in this case a criminal offence, should carry a punishment in a court of law. Any punishment spent shouldn’t be taken into account when applications are made for benefits – how and when they are spent is a matter for the court.
It is also important to understand that many benefits also affect the life of dependants – for instance children or disabled relatives. Blindly removing benefits as and when a civil service department requires – puts the process (and therefore lives) at risk of being driven by targets.
It is always important, and perhaps often forgotten, that benefits are often designed to extend to dependants – which cannot be held responsible.
Reassess all current claimants of incapacity benefit – if you are fit for work then you will be transferred onto JSA; and
If the current system declares someone as eligible for incapacity benefit – reassessing them becomes a waste of time and money, as the results will be the same if the assessment criteria haven’t changed.
Either that or it’ll be a witch hunt for people that can be singled out – and rather than it being the result of vigilant and reasoned development of the assessment process, it becomes a change in attitude toward the claimant. In essence, it’ll be vilifying people.
The correct way of approaching this issue, is to redefine how incapacity is established, the spectrum of incapacity and the resultant financial benefit or available resources. Then, assess all future claims with this regard – and do the same with renewals.
Make sure you get help as soon as you need it – straight away for those really struggling to find work, and after six months if you’re less than 25 years old;
Perhaps I’m being picky but, this idea is at odds with itself – how can you help someone straight away, if they are struggling to find work? Surely, in order to discover their struggle, they need to have tried and failed over an extended period – thus, not straight away.
The proposals give the impression of helping people regardless of age with a one size fits all program – get people younger than 25 you have to wait 6 months, whereas those older can get help “straight away”?
If you’re under the age of 25, provide a huge range of extra training opportunities – 400,000 apprenticeship, training and college places over two years; and
Some nice numbers, however, this is not something the government (any of any party) is able to directly achieve – apprenticeships can’t work without businesses taking part. Currently, there is a cost associated with hiring an apprentice – granted, lower than standard employees, but many businesses worry about the costs of taking someone on that requires lots of support during their learning curve.
Without having some serious support from business, being able to state numbers is mostly naïve – though, I’ll admit that it would be possible to commit to most numbers if you have a bottomless pit from which to keep pushing the agenda.
What with not providing any costing “places” means very little – what are the durations, skills, costs to students – who will provide them?
Pay back-to-work providers in full only if they get you into work for a year or more.
There are many things that can affect someone’s long term employment – the wider economic climate, as we all should know by now, is one such factor.
A whole year after an employment goal, how does that make it a sustainable process? The only way this can work, is that providers get paid enough to run while waiting for these payments – essentially for failure to sustain itself.
Perhaps we could call these success payments a bonus – while nice, it points directly to private sector providers, precisely the problem with the current system. The New Deal program, before being updated – was plagued by for-profit companies making money out of people’s misfortune, and even out of a minority of laziness.
It remains to be seen how the updated version “Flexible New Deal” pans out in this regard. Either way, the new jazzed up Flexible New Deal is in many ways similar to what the Conservative Party seem to be offering.
It is entirely possible (if not likely) that such a provider could provide a high standard of service – yet still not receive full payment. Along with the general Conservative Party sentiment that many unemployed and underemployed people are in it for a “free ride” – are they not expecting people to quit, give up, or generally not perform well for an employer. It becomes pot-luck – if you find a good client, you’ll get paid, if not, tough.
Paying an organisation a whole year after interaction causes a number of problems – not least the administration and auditing of the process.
How can a back-to-work provider ensure that they are being paid correctly, without being able to track every single client – I personally have a problem with independent private organisations being able to track my state of employment. For no reason, other than they have no right to such information.